非常心痛的觀察,無言,無補充
//The values that Hong Kong represents, and the people that carry the torch for them, won’t be so easily crushed. The love of freedom, and the unwillingness to submit meekly, run too deep in Hong Kong’s DNA. The younger generation, with its radical departure from the tactics of pro-democracy elders (however misguided and self-defeating some might argue that departure to have been), has already demonstrated that. And those values are imperishable, having endured across cultures and millennia. At the very least, it will take time.
There is still sadness, though. Hong Kong will never go back to what it was, that much seems clear. Its fate will be dissolved into a larger destiny, as was always likely and perhaps inevitable. My poor adopted city. Designed for obsolescence but wanting more life, it did burn so very brightly.//
⏺不要讓我們成為最後一代真香港人
https://www.patreon.com/posts/45326736
▶️西藏1959 Vs 香港2019:「一國兩制」終結的一個劇本,兩個故事
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fk6ZbZvY_uk
同時也有9部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過6萬的網紅This is Taiwan,也在其Youtube影片中提到,[有字幕] 台灣有多自由?How Free is Taiwan? 請多多支持,謝謝!Please support us: Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/thisistaiwan Paypal: paypal.me/Thistaiwan [請訂閱] My oth...
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- 關於pro democracy vs democracy 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的最讚貼文
- 關於pro democracy vs democracy 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於pro democracy vs democracy 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的最佳貼文
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pro democracy vs democracy 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的精選貼文
#到底我地係咪行緊雨傘條舊路【#AntiELAB Movement vs #UmbrellaMovement: are #HKers walking on the old path?】
5/ Global reach for visiting Taiwan. Heiko Maas criticized with an open letter.t 11 pm on 30 June 2020:
1/ HK's protests have indeed reduced due to the COVID19 and the National Security Law. Hong Kong Government mass arrests protestors, and crackdown on the education, mass media, medical and judicial industries. But, NO, we're not walking the old path of division between different sides in the pro-democracy bloc. In fact, we're winning. Here's why:
2/ In 2014,
- 70% of polls call for the occupation to stop
- Division within Pro-democracy bloc
- Average results in the District Council Election
- Pro-Beijing bloc gained 57% seats in Legislative Council
- CCP's economic diplomacy is doing well
- Few countries support HK
3/ From 2019 till now,
- Pro-democracy bloc swept 85% of the seats in the District Council Election
- it's likely for the pro-democracy bloc to gain more than half of the seats in the Legislative Council Election, which forced the #CCP to cancel the election
Polls did by 香港民意研究計劃 HKPOP request by Reuters showed that
- 70% support an independent investigation committee
- 63% support universal suffrage of the Legislative Council and Chief Executive
- 58% support Carrie Lam to step down
- 56% oppose the riot characterization of the antiELAB Movement
- 49% support the release of the arrested people
- 60% oppose the NationalSecurityLaw
- 31% support the NationalSecurityLaw
- 57% vote for pro-democracy candidates
- 25% vote for pro-government candidates
4/ Normally, public opinion of social movements will reverse after a while, like the #UmbrellaMovement, #BlackLivesMatter and the #YellowVests. But after a year, the majority of public opinion is still on the protestors' side ...
5/ Global reac for visiting Taiwan. Heiko Maas criticized with an open letter.t 11 pm on 30 June 2020:
- Jul 1: over 100k people took to the streets
- Jul 11-12: over 610k people vote in the democratic preliminary election
- Aug 12: 530k copies of 香港蘋果日報 Apple Daily were sold & 282 tocks are sold after Jimmy Lai was arrested
- Aug 27: all HKers dressed in black to say no to the Police rewriting what happened on 21 Jul 2019
- Aug 31: hundreds mourned for the #831PrinceEdwardAttack
6/ Gobal reactions
🇺🇸: Sanctioning HK and CCP officials and change "made in HK" to "made in China"
🇬🇧: Banned the buying of Huawei and offering HKers "lifeboats"
🇦🇺: US-Japan South China Sea military exercise took place in Australia. CCP intimidated journalists in Beijing
🇪🇺: Stop exporting sensitive tech and treat HK the same way as China
🇩🇪: Wang Yi intimidated Czech Senate speaker
Miloš Vystrčil for visiting Taiwan. Heiko Maas criticized with an open letter.
🇫🇷: Forced telcos to ditch @Huawei and announced of won't treat China naively
🇨🇦: Showed no sign of thawing with China. Hostage diplomacy continues to deadlock.
🇯🇵: partnered closely with the Five Eyes and acted tougher after 周庭 Agnes Chow Ting was arrested
🇮🇳: border clashes continued and ditched Chinese mobile apps like WeChat, Alipay and Tik Tok.
🇹🇼: international reputation continued to rise after having the least COVID19 confirmed cases in the world with its anti-pandemic policy
🇭🇰: US, UK, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, France and Germany ended extradition agreements
7/ #HongKongers have achieved remarkable results fighting against the second-largest, evilest country in the world in just one year. The idea of phoenixism is that we know the chance of winning is low, so we try to increase the costs beard by the #CCP to achieve what we demand.
8/ Everyday we are guided by our thirst for freedom and a sense of duty to bring democracy to our children and grandchildren. So long as we follow that path, we will always be on the right side of history. The island of HK may be small the resolve of its people is anything but.
中文:https://www.facebook.com/200976479994868/posts/3332039616888523/
原文:https://twitter.com/samuelharrendel/status/1306608431139155969
.................
💪支持我向世界展現香港人頑強抵抗的意志:https://bit.ly/joshuawonghk
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╞#存亡號召 #絕處逢生
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pro democracy vs democracy 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的最佳貼文
【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿,但國際線十分重要,不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻,願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機:
While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.
After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.
This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.
The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws
Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.
The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.
Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”
In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.
Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.
Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates
An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?
The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”
If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.
Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.
Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”
Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.
Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship
Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.
In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.
Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.
The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.
These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.
Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.
▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ
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